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Haitian Diaspora Oral History Collection
Interview with Max Rameau
Miami, Florida, June 1, 2011
Interview ASM0084000013 (Tapes 1, 2, and 3)
Interviewed by Rudo Kemper
Recorded by Rudo Kemper
Outline by Rudo Kemper, Noelis Márquez, and Xavier Mercado
Length: 2 hours 37 minutes
Interview with Max Rameau, the foremost and most publicly known activist with Take Back the Land. He also leads the Center for Pan-African Development, and has worked extensively with Brothers of the Same Mind and Cop Watch. At the cusp of the housing crisis, Rameau invited several other South Florida-based black activists to meetings held at Marleine Bastien's office, a group that later became known as the Black Response to the Crisis Group. The group decided to take action by taking over public land and asserting black political leadership over that land. The first action taken was the erecting of the Umoja Village Shantytown, and later housing liberations and eviction defenses. As Take Back the Land progressed to the national level and took on the shape of a movement, Rameau remained its most vocal proponent and figurehead. He relocated to Washington, D.C., to play a stronger role as an alternative voice on the housing crisis. Rameau is a Pan-Africanist by worldview and in political theory, although he no longer frames Take Back the Land as a Pan-Africanist or Black nationalist project.
This interview forms part of the Haitian Diaspora Oral History Collection of the University of Miami Libraries Special Collections.
This oral history expresses the views, memories and opinions of the interviewee. It does not represent the viewpoints of the University of Miami, its officers, agents, employees, or volunteers. The University of Miami makes no warranty as to the accuracy or completeness of any information contained in the interview and expressly disclaims any liability therefor.
Copyright to this interview lies with the University of Miami. It may not be reproduced, retransmitted, published, distributed, or broadcast without the permission of the University of Miami Libraries Special Collections. For information about obtaining copies or to request permission to publish any part of this interview, please contact Special Collections at asc@miami.edu.
Max Rameau 2
June 1, 2011
INTERVIEW OUTLINE
Tape 1
− 00:00:18: Tell me a little bit about yourself and your background. Where were you born? Where did you grow up? How did you come to live in Miami?
− 00:01:44: How did you come to choose Miami as a location after your father died?
− 00:02:05: What inspired you personally to commit to social justice and community activism work?
− 00:04:00: What was your religious upbringing?
− 00:04:34: Tell me about your philosophy of Pan-Africanism and how this fits into your social justice work.
− 00:07:57: Has the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s here in the United States been of inspiration to you?
− 00:12:07: Were there any other movements that helped you formulate tactical strategies as far as your work?
− 00:14:24: Have there been any key activists or thinkers that have inspired you personally?
− 00:16:57: When did you first come to awareness about land and housing issues in the United States?
− 00:21:09: We’ve already talked about Take Back the Land, but before we get into a little bit more detail, can you tell me a little bit about your work with other organizations like Brothers of the Same Mind, Cop Watch, and the Center for Pan-African Development? Basically, go into the genealogy of all of these projects and how they fit into each other if they do.
− 00:26:37: Moving on to the formation of the movement. As I understand it, the movement began with you inviting a small group of activists to attend an initial meeting of what became called the Black Response to the Housing Crisis group. What motivated you to hold this meeting?
Max Rameau 3
June 1, 2011
− 00:33:10: How did you know the other activists, and what made you decide to invite them in particular?
− 00:35:05: In your book, you talk about how in these initials strategic planning stages there were some differences about how the movement should be understood? What were some of these challenges and how were they overcome?
− 00:39:41: In your book, you talk about how in these initial strategic planning stages there was not always agreement among the group members, and there were different perspectives about what the movement should be. How were these differences overcome, and what were some of the other challenges early on? Like, for instance, the anarchist’s kids might have said “Well, instead of doing this project, why not do something like this?”
− 00:42:19: Did the movement ever experience any problems with race relations? Did other non-black organizers, allies, volunteers, or residents have a problem with the movement’s emphasis on specifically black leadership?
− 00:43:19: From the beginning onward, Take Back the Land opted to operate outside of politics, instead of going through the “proper” political channels to effectuate social change. Why was that, and to what extent does retaining autonomy from the state remain an important objective today?
− 00:52:26: Other activists in Miami have often lamented to me about how it’s hard to keep a momentum going, because people keep moving away to other places. Do you think that Take Back the Land has suffered from this as well?
− 00:54:42: Do you think something like the FTAA protest helped? Even though it was a lot of people that came from outside of Miami to protest against it, nevertheless it left something of an institutional memory of organizing a protest.
− 00:55:44: The movement tackled a number of different issues, like gentrification and public corruption, and articulated itself in different ways like through the three stated objectives. In retrospect, what worked best to mobilize people?
− 00:58:16: How specifically did Take Back the Land work together with other local movements and organizations, like the Miami Worker’s Center, the Power U Center for Social Change, and the Lake Worth Kids to get Umoja up and running? What resources did they provide?
Max Rameau 4
June 1, 2011
− 01:02:02: I understand there were some public health challenges at Umoja, for instance in regards to substance abuse and mental illness. How were these addressed, and did you feel you were meeting their needs?
− 01:04:50: TAPE 1 ENDS.
Tape 2
− 00:00:13: I understand there were some public health challenges at Umoja, for instance in regards to substance abuse and mental illness. How were these addressed, and did you feel you were meeting their needs? (Continued)
− 00:02:57: Aside from the more outspoken residents like John Cata and Jonathan Baker, what was the average Umoja Village resident like, if there was one? How did they feel about the movement?
− 00:09:43: Do you think life in the Umoja Village had a lasting impact on the residents?
− 00:14:19: Was there any attempt to implement a political education as a way of inculcating the need for systemic change in the residents themselves? If so, has that had an impact on them as well?
− 00:16:48: Regardless of the political education, do you think the experience of living in Umoja has changed people’s perspective on land relations and housing in the United States?
− 00:19:24: How do you think Umoja continues to exist today in the memories of the residents of Liberty City?
− 00:20:19: From your book, I gather that there was a conscious intent to have non-hierarchical relations in the village, and that it was run in a communitarian fashion; however, this did not always play out in practice. In retrospect, was there anything you think the movement could have done to better accomplish this goal?
− 00:22:28: Did the residents see themselves as part of the movement, or did they understand the movement to consist of mostly the organizers, and themselves as beneficiaries of movement action?
− 00:24:32: If the residents were asked if they were members of Take Back the Land, would that be a meaningful question to them? Would they answer that as a “yes” or “no”? Max Rameau 5
June 1, 2011
− 00:25:30: Were there any issues with patriarchy at Umoja Village? For instance, four of the organizers were female. Was that ever an issue, or perhaps with female residents?
− 00:28:56: Did you learn anything from the residents?
− 00:30:16: Did this learning shape the evolution of the movement and the way that you positioned the movement in yourself?
− 00:33:47: I understand that there were students on various campuses who supported Umoja, including a group at FIU who created a shantytown on campus to bring awareness to the movement. How do you feel about the role of students and academics in movement building?
− 00:36:07: Do some of the residents of Umoja Village continue to participate in land and housing rights work?
− 00:36:39: What do you think was the biggest accomplishment of Umoja Village?
− 00:38:11: After Umoja, the movement shifted to performing eviction defenses and housing liberations instead of the construction of shanties. How did this shift take place; was it a change of objectives or strategy?
− 00:47:40: Since Umoja, Take Back the Land has also moved to the national level, with eviction defenses taking place in Madison, Rochester, and Chicago. How did this transition take place?
− 00:49:55: So is it mostly tactical advice that you can provide to these local movements?
− 00:52:07: How does doing activist work in different cities across the U.S. compare with Miami? Are there localized conditions in each city that determine or influence the work TBL undertakes?
− 00:55:48: Historically, crises have been viewed as moments of political opportunity; as points in time where contradictions are revealed and contested. Do you agree, and do you feel that the 2008 fiscal crisis presents such a moment for Take Back the Land?
− 01:01:51: TAPE 2 ENDS
Max Rameau 6
June 1, 2011
Tape 3
− 00:00:12: The contemporary model of land and housing worldwide is one of continuing commoditization and privatization. Do you envision the movement and its campaigns to serve as a model for alternative development?
− 00:07:12: How does the movement ally itself with other struggles for social justice worldwide, not only those which are land-oriented but also those which fight for environmental issues, gender and ethnic equality, labor rights, indigenous rights, immigrant rights, and food sovereignty?
− 00:11:00: How do you feel about transnational alter-globalization events like the US and World Social Forum? Has the movement participated in these?
− 00:12:36: The Landless Worker Movement in Brazil is often cited as being the largest social movement in the world, with over 200,000 families being settled since their inception over 25 years ago. Does Take Back the Land aspire to similar heights? What are the goals and ambitions of the movement in terms of scale?
− 00:16:21: How far do you think you are from that goal?
− 00:19:02: In 2009, you went to South Africa to meet with the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign and the ABM, sponsored by the Center for Constitutional Rights. Could you tell me about that experience, and what impact it has had on both your personal thinking and the movement?
− 00:23:13: Has there been any attempt to build strategies and form linkages with other social movements, like the MST and the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign?
− 00:24:28: What is your role in the movement today?
− 00:26:21: How has the movement shaped your life and your commitment to activism?
− 00:28:53: This is an open question: what does land mean to you personally?
− 00:30:20: INTERVIEW ENDS
Object Description
Description
| Title | Interview Outline |
| Object ID | asm0084000013 |
| Digital ID | asm0084000013 |
| Full Text | Haitian Diaspora Oral History Collection Interview with Max Rameau Miami, Florida, June 1, 2011 Interview ASM0084000013 (Tapes 1, 2, and 3) Interviewed by Rudo Kemper Recorded by Rudo Kemper Outline by Rudo Kemper, Noelis Márquez, and Xavier Mercado Length: 2 hours 37 minutes Interview with Max Rameau, the foremost and most publicly known activist with Take Back the Land. He also leads the Center for Pan-African Development, and has worked extensively with Brothers of the Same Mind and Cop Watch. At the cusp of the housing crisis, Rameau invited several other South Florida-based black activists to meetings held at Marleine Bastien's office, a group that later became known as the Black Response to the Crisis Group. The group decided to take action by taking over public land and asserting black political leadership over that land. The first action taken was the erecting of the Umoja Village Shantytown, and later housing liberations and eviction defenses. As Take Back the Land progressed to the national level and took on the shape of a movement, Rameau remained its most vocal proponent and figurehead. He relocated to Washington, D.C., to play a stronger role as an alternative voice on the housing crisis. Rameau is a Pan-Africanist by worldview and in political theory, although he no longer frames Take Back the Land as a Pan-Africanist or Black nationalist project. This interview forms part of the Haitian Diaspora Oral History Collection of the University of Miami Libraries Special Collections. This oral history expresses the views, memories and opinions of the interviewee. It does not represent the viewpoints of the University of Miami, its officers, agents, employees, or volunteers. The University of Miami makes no warranty as to the accuracy or completeness of any information contained in the interview and expressly disclaims any liability therefor. Copyright to this interview lies with the University of Miami. It may not be reproduced, retransmitted, published, distributed, or broadcast without the permission of the University of Miami Libraries Special Collections. For information about obtaining copies or to request permission to publish any part of this interview, please contact Special Collections at asc@miami.edu. Max Rameau 2 June 1, 2011 INTERVIEW OUTLINE Tape 1 − 00:00:18: Tell me a little bit about yourself and your background. Where were you born? Where did you grow up? How did you come to live in Miami? − 00:01:44: How did you come to choose Miami as a location after your father died? − 00:02:05: What inspired you personally to commit to social justice and community activism work? − 00:04:00: What was your religious upbringing? − 00:04:34: Tell me about your philosophy of Pan-Africanism and how this fits into your social justice work. − 00:07:57: Has the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s here in the United States been of inspiration to you? − 00:12:07: Were there any other movements that helped you formulate tactical strategies as far as your work? − 00:14:24: Have there been any key activists or thinkers that have inspired you personally? − 00:16:57: When did you first come to awareness about land and housing issues in the United States? − 00:21:09: We’ve already talked about Take Back the Land, but before we get into a little bit more detail, can you tell me a little bit about your work with other organizations like Brothers of the Same Mind, Cop Watch, and the Center for Pan-African Development? Basically, go into the genealogy of all of these projects and how they fit into each other if they do. − 00:26:37: Moving on to the formation of the movement. As I understand it, the movement began with you inviting a small group of activists to attend an initial meeting of what became called the Black Response to the Housing Crisis group. What motivated you to hold this meeting? Max Rameau 3 June 1, 2011 − 00:33:10: How did you know the other activists, and what made you decide to invite them in particular? − 00:35:05: In your book, you talk about how in these initials strategic planning stages there were some differences about how the movement should be understood? What were some of these challenges and how were they overcome? − 00:39:41: In your book, you talk about how in these initial strategic planning stages there was not always agreement among the group members, and there were different perspectives about what the movement should be. How were these differences overcome, and what were some of the other challenges early on? Like, for instance, the anarchist’s kids might have said “Well, instead of doing this project, why not do something like this?” − 00:42:19: Did the movement ever experience any problems with race relations? Did other non-black organizers, allies, volunteers, or residents have a problem with the movement’s emphasis on specifically black leadership? − 00:43:19: From the beginning onward, Take Back the Land opted to operate outside of politics, instead of going through the “proper” political channels to effectuate social change. Why was that, and to what extent does retaining autonomy from the state remain an important objective today? − 00:52:26: Other activists in Miami have often lamented to me about how it’s hard to keep a momentum going, because people keep moving away to other places. Do you think that Take Back the Land has suffered from this as well? − 00:54:42: Do you think something like the FTAA protest helped? Even though it was a lot of people that came from outside of Miami to protest against it, nevertheless it left something of an institutional memory of organizing a protest. − 00:55:44: The movement tackled a number of different issues, like gentrification and public corruption, and articulated itself in different ways like through the three stated objectives. In retrospect, what worked best to mobilize people? − 00:58:16: How specifically did Take Back the Land work together with other local movements and organizations, like the Miami Worker’s Center, the Power U Center for Social Change, and the Lake Worth Kids to get Umoja up and running? What resources did they provide? Max Rameau 4 June 1, 2011 − 01:02:02: I understand there were some public health challenges at Umoja, for instance in regards to substance abuse and mental illness. How were these addressed, and did you feel you were meeting their needs? − 01:04:50: TAPE 1 ENDS. Tape 2 − 00:00:13: I understand there were some public health challenges at Umoja, for instance in regards to substance abuse and mental illness. How were these addressed, and did you feel you were meeting their needs? (Continued) − 00:02:57: Aside from the more outspoken residents like John Cata and Jonathan Baker, what was the average Umoja Village resident like, if there was one? How did they feel about the movement? − 00:09:43: Do you think life in the Umoja Village had a lasting impact on the residents? − 00:14:19: Was there any attempt to implement a political education as a way of inculcating the need for systemic change in the residents themselves? If so, has that had an impact on them as well? − 00:16:48: Regardless of the political education, do you think the experience of living in Umoja has changed people’s perspective on land relations and housing in the United States? − 00:19:24: How do you think Umoja continues to exist today in the memories of the residents of Liberty City? − 00:20:19: From your book, I gather that there was a conscious intent to have non-hierarchical relations in the village, and that it was run in a communitarian fashion; however, this did not always play out in practice. In retrospect, was there anything you think the movement could have done to better accomplish this goal? − 00:22:28: Did the residents see themselves as part of the movement, or did they understand the movement to consist of mostly the organizers, and themselves as beneficiaries of movement action? − 00:24:32: If the residents were asked if they were members of Take Back the Land, would that be a meaningful question to them? Would they answer that as a “yes” or “no”? Max Rameau 5 June 1, 2011 − 00:25:30: Were there any issues with patriarchy at Umoja Village? For instance, four of the organizers were female. Was that ever an issue, or perhaps with female residents? − 00:28:56: Did you learn anything from the residents? − 00:30:16: Did this learning shape the evolution of the movement and the way that you positioned the movement in yourself? − 00:33:47: I understand that there were students on various campuses who supported Umoja, including a group at FIU who created a shantytown on campus to bring awareness to the movement. How do you feel about the role of students and academics in movement building? − 00:36:07: Do some of the residents of Umoja Village continue to participate in land and housing rights work? − 00:36:39: What do you think was the biggest accomplishment of Umoja Village? − 00:38:11: After Umoja, the movement shifted to performing eviction defenses and housing liberations instead of the construction of shanties. How did this shift take place; was it a change of objectives or strategy? − 00:47:40: Since Umoja, Take Back the Land has also moved to the national level, with eviction defenses taking place in Madison, Rochester, and Chicago. How did this transition take place? − 00:49:55: So is it mostly tactical advice that you can provide to these local movements? − 00:52:07: How does doing activist work in different cities across the U.S. compare with Miami? Are there localized conditions in each city that determine or influence the work TBL undertakes? − 00:55:48: Historically, crises have been viewed as moments of political opportunity; as points in time where contradictions are revealed and contested. Do you agree, and do you feel that the 2008 fiscal crisis presents such a moment for Take Back the Land? − 01:01:51: TAPE 2 ENDS Max Rameau 6 June 1, 2011 Tape 3 − 00:00:12: The contemporary model of land and housing worldwide is one of continuing commoditization and privatization. Do you envision the movement and its campaigns to serve as a model for alternative development? − 00:07:12: How does the movement ally itself with other struggles for social justice worldwide, not only those which are land-oriented but also those which fight for environmental issues, gender and ethnic equality, labor rights, indigenous rights, immigrant rights, and food sovereignty? − 00:11:00: How do you feel about transnational alter-globalization events like the US and World Social Forum? Has the movement participated in these? − 00:12:36: The Landless Worker Movement in Brazil is often cited as being the largest social movement in the world, with over 200,000 families being settled since their inception over 25 years ago. Does Take Back the Land aspire to similar heights? What are the goals and ambitions of the movement in terms of scale? − 00:16:21: How far do you think you are from that goal? − 00:19:02: In 2009, you went to South Africa to meet with the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign and the ABM, sponsored by the Center for Constitutional Rights. Could you tell me about that experience, and what impact it has had on both your personal thinking and the movement? − 00:23:13: Has there been any attempt to build strategies and form linkages with other social movements, like the MST and the Western Cape Anti-Eviction Campaign? − 00:24:28: What is your role in the movement today? − 00:26:21: How has the movement shaped your life and your commitment to activism? − 00:28:53: This is an open question: what does land mean to you personally? − 00:30:20: INTERVIEW ENDS |
| Type | Text |
| Format | application/pdf |
| Archive | asm0084000013.pdf |
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